This story brought tears of outrage to my eyes. It is the story, which just occurred, of a five year old boy African-American boy berated into tears by a police officer--yes, African-American woman police officer--in the still racist, former slave state of Maryland. The boy's crime? The boy walked out of school, presumably to go home or just get out from a place already oppressing him. All captured on video.
Sunday, March 28, 2021
A story of white privilege and a story of oppressed African-Americans
Thursday, March 25, 2021
Bill Maher's cultural elitism reveals his own shallowness
Bill Maher uses the Grammys to make an argument about meritocracy, when the Grammys are like a fast food takeover of a culinary contest where only Burger King and McDonalds sweep the awards every year. And it is not there was some Golden Age for Grammy Awards. There wasn't. It was always a commercial venture when it began after WWII, as it was a continuation of a trend Aldous Huxley noted in Brave New World (1932), how music in our society would eventually be reduced to jingles equal to the advertising for products that appeared on commercial controlled radio. Maher is oblivious to Lawrence Levine's Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America and therefore oblivious to the mid 19th Century miners and farmers who could recite Shakespeare, sing arias from operas, hum Beethoven's sonatas, and the like.
We have a modern comparison to prove my point: Compare Italian young people in the 1970s and American young people in 1970s. At that time, corporate power had not completely taken over radio and television in Italy. And it was not as if Italian public school education was so superior to American public school education. Yet, in that period, Gentle Giant and Van Der Graaf Generator literally sold out stadiums in Italy while the Eagles and Loggins and Messina had to resign themselves to playing in clubs in Rome or Florence. But then, in the 1980s, corporate power in media grew suddenly and completely so that, by the end of the 1980s, Italian young people were suddenly listening to much of what American young people were listening to. Coincidence? I think not. It was a fast cultural devolution, and one that can be largely traced to corporate power over media sources.
I raised my children to appreciate classical music and we took them to concerts to see the excitement of orchestrated music. That was something I felt I had to do to avoid them being bombarded with the ubiquitous nonsense that surrounded them. The good news of the Internet is classical and progressive rock have been enhanced and have grown because the Internet is nearly worldwide and there are enough people who have woken or stayed awake, particularly young people, to hear music that is truly of a quality that merits the term "meritocracy." Yeah, it is not the majority of what young people stream on Spotify, but it is certainly there and not going away. The Rolling Stone article to which Maher refers, about the fact 90% of the downloads come from 1% of the artists, is a short article making that one point. It doesn't try to grapple with why, which would force the writer or the magazine to deal with the continued ubiquitousness of corporate power in media, and how most artists can upload music, but can't find an audience without mass marketing--or maybe someone can possibly find a way to go "viral," which is beyond rare. That we know there is a corruption based in economic power is evident when we see on YouTube the young people who upload streams where they listen to Yes or Gentle Giant for the first time--and are amazed. Andy and Alex are favorites of mine, but this young man at Wilburn Reactions is, too.
But, Maher can't even begin to go there. He is now completely in old Boomer get-off-my-lawn mode, attacking the Kardashians and Paris Hilton with cheap jokes and making Ok, Boomer fun of generalized yearnings of young people--who see a whole bunch of Meagan McCains and other rich people in our media and think, "I would like to have their stardom"--and not caring a damn about young people being stuck with taking a bunch of AP Courses, the pressures of going to college and taking out loans, with no increase in the minimum wage, and no health security. Sure, Bill, the problem is kids wanting to be a Kardashian. So like early 19th Century British elite who worried about the masses not getting married but shacking up because they could not afford the fee to the minister--and thinking it was a decline in morals, not a decline in the economic health and wealth among the working poor and benighted peasant farmers. How so Bidenesque of you, Bill.
I won't be surprised to learn, if Bill loses his perch at HBO, if he decides to undergo a sex change and try to get a gig with Whoopi on The View. He'd fit in perfectly with his cultural elitism. Yes, you can say I am a cultural elitist, but the difference is I think anyone and everyone can be taught to appreciate great music, film, or art, and what a great feeling it is to be touched by truly powerful and compelling music, film, or art.
News flash to Bill and other benighted Boomers and Oldsters: The Grammys NEVER spoke to quality of music or anything that would be a meritocracy. It was crap fifty and sixty years ago, and crap today. The Grammys, however, are emblematic of the dumb down in American culture, and further separation of highbrow from lowbrow. If we ever got to the time machine, and brought 19th Century working class people to our time, they would shake their heads wondering what the hell could be going on in 20th Century and 21st Century America to not appreciate Mozart and Rossini.
Monday, March 22, 2021
Zack Snyder's "Justice League" vindicates MF Blog, the Sequel
Saturday, March 20, 2021
Israel: The dream is over
Monday, March 15, 2021
Zoey The Dog, December 2003-March 2021: A Noble Dog
Sunday, March 14, 2021
It is more than constitutional paralysis which ails the United States as an operating republic
I consider Corey Robin one of the most brilliant political philosophical minds of our time. His book on reactionary/conservative thinking over the past 250 years is must reading, and, from reviews I have read, he understands Clarence Thomas better than most commentators. However, this article in The New Yorker is blandly conventional in blaming constitutional paralysis as the most significant element for our nation's challenges, and too sanguine about the facts regarding Trump's reign and its consequences.
I agree with Corey Robin to the extent he appears to be saying the Senate is the injury beyond the insult of the Electoral College. I disagree with his big example of Republican and institutional pushback against Trump when he compares what happened with Trump's NDAA veto and previous presidents who vetoed the NDAA. Robin misses the factual differences between previous presidential vetoes and Trump's. Carter wanted a particular nuclear carrier spending plan removed, and got it removed after his veto. Reagan wanted more power to control negotiations with the Russians, and got it. Clinton wanted to avoid a violation of the ABM Treaty over a proposed missile defense of one of the US protectorates. Bush II's and Obama's vetoes were similarly policy based. Trump's stated reason for his veto was his carping about the symbolic gesture of renaming military bases named after slaveholders and clear racists--and in the context of Mitch McConnell and other Republicans worried about Trump's desperateness following his re-election loss. Context therefore matters far more in this instance than Robin's essay assumes.
To read Robin's article, one would think Trump made very little difference in policy making. However, when we look at what Trump's administration "accomplished," despite the paralyzing "checks and balances," we must start with Trump's various executive actions--where Congress' structural paralysis allows for that type of executive focused governance. On immigration, student debt collection, and environmental de-regulation, Trump did a lot of damage to our nation and our planet. And Trump worked effectively with Republicans in Congress to stack the courts, which is a significant structural oriented change.
As for defining Fascism in the context of Trump, we should look at Jason Stanley's (Yale political philosopher prof who wrote "How Fascism Works" in 2018) definition of fascism. Stanley defines fascism, saying, "One of the hallmarks of Fascism is the ‘politics of hierarchy’—a belief in a biologically determined superiority—whereby Fascists strive to recreate a ‘mythic’ and ‘glorious’ past…(while) excluding those they believe to be inferior because of their ethnicity, religion, and/or race.”
I believe it is factually indisputable that Stanley's definition applies to how 40% of Americans and 50% of the senate think--and why we should be concerned that the Republicans have a strong chance to win back the White House in 2024 through the Electoral College. Our nation has had what the late sociologist, Bertram Gross, called "Friendly Fascism," for much of the post 1960s period in US history. In this context, it is useful to quote Mussolini, who gave a working definition of fascism in the early 1930s: “It is in the corporation that the Fascist State finds its ultimate expression…According to the Fascist conception, the corporation is the organ which makes collaboration systematic and harmonic…”. One can say Mussolini's definition of "corporation" does not quite cover our modern conception of corporations. However, the tendency of corporate executives in the US to side with authoritarians, whether here or in China, is unmistakable--and again not one that provides me with any sense of security.
Finally, Fascism's ugly side continues to grow in our nation, but less because of what Robin sees as our governmental and corporate leaders being paralyzed. He seems to back into an assumption that Biden and the corporate Democrats want to stop fascism, but are somehow powerless to do so. For anyone believing that, let's consider Buenaventura Durruti, a Spanish anti-Fascist, who said in 1936: "No government fights fascism to destroy it. When the bourgeoisie sees that power is slipping out of its hands, it brings up fascism to hold onto their privileges." When we consider Durruti's advice, we who favor progressive policies should be outraged at how the outgoing Democratic leadership in Nevada behaved when the progressive slate prevailed last weekend. We now know how Democratic power brokers admitted to the two authors of the new book on the Biden campaign, "Lucky," how they really thought they could decide to let Trump win in 2020 rather than let Bernie win the Democratic Party's presidential nomination.
I find myself less and less sanguine about the prospects of the American experiment, partly for what Robin sees as constitutional paralysis, but as much if not more the propaganda the majority of our nation's people have ingested since the start of the Cold War. For that, I find Jodi Dean's books of the past decade a more reliable guide to what ails us.